If experts are to be believed, RSS chief’s call for the enactment of a law to speed up things has legal implications that could delay rather than expedite the building of the temple.
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh appears to be convinced that the only way forward for its saffron associate, the Bharatiya Janata Party, to rake in rich political dividends was to, yet again, make the construction of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya a central issue in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. The contentious matter is pending in the Supreme Court and a judicial judgement is likely to follow in the next few months, provided the learned judges are enabled to consider the various aspects related to the case expeditiously.
However, the hurry reflected for the need to commence building of the temple, during the annual Vijaya Dashami address of RSS Sarsangchalak, Mohan Bhagwat, has created the impression that Lord Ram needed to appear once again to the saffron brigade’s assistance in the 2019 Parliamentary polls, apart from the 2014 war cry of good governance and development. The slogan, “Sab ka Saath, Sab ka Vikas” was clearly insufficient to translate into electoral victory for the BJP and its allies. The sincerity and commitment the RSS has towards the temple is doubtless, a dedication reflected in the Sarsanghchalak’s words. However, if experts are to be believed, Bhagwat’s call for the enactment of a law to speed up things has legal implications that could delay rather than expedite the construction of the Mandir at the disputed site in Ayodhya.
The RSS chief’s advice to the Central government of clearing the decks for the temple by possibly bringing in an ordinance could, in the view of these legal experts, further complicate the sensitive issue. Bhagwat, who believes in the Constitution of India, and has described it as a document that has by consensus been accepted by the people of the county, has sidestepped the matter of the fallout of proclaiming an ordinance while the case was pending in the Apex Court. In fact, if the Centre were to bring in an ordinance at the sub judice stage, it would automatically be challenged by the Sangh’s adversaries in the Supreme Court itself. Translated into reality, this could mean a further delay in the building of the temple, since the Court would first give its view on the legality of the enactment of the ordinance before proceeding with the main matter. Thus, the entire exercise could prove counter-productive.
The Sangh’s critics claim there is a deep-rooted plan in the Sarsanghchalak’s powerful speech, and are interpreting it as an attempt by the RSS to keep the fire burning, instead of waiting for the matter to be resolved through the court. Bhagwat’s call for the government to act soonest may, in the view of Opposition parties, allow the BJP to further fortify and reinforce its electoral position. This interpretation of the speech is contrary to how Bhagwat, a few weeks ago, portrayed the Sangh, during his three-day interaction with intellectuals in the national capital. The Sarsangchalak spoke about inclusiveness, instead of discriminating against others who did not belong to or follow Sangh ideology. In fact, he overruled the BJP’s objective of making India “Congress free”, and advocated that it was not “Congress mukt” but “Congress yukt Bharat” he was looking at.
Over a period of time, Bhagwat has skilfully attempted to make the RSS more acceptable and has been searching for organisations and individuals outside the BJP’s fold for supporting its primary agenda of keeping the country together and united. This aspect was also highlighted during the Vijaya Dashami address in Nagpur, where the RSS supremo asked voters not to be disillusioned with politicians, and thereby not opt for the Nota (none of the above) option in EVMs.
Looking beyond the BJP, the RSS supremo’s counsel was that people should vote keeping in mind that whoever they were planning to elect was not being divisive and was, in every manner, committed to the country. The Sangh’s opponents view the comment as an endorsement of the BJP nominees, even though there was a veiled hint that people could vote for others, provided they fitted his specified criteria. His appeal was not restricted to the Sangh activists, but also to the general masses, and furnished an option to even Sangh followers to choose within the spelt-out framework.
Time and again, over the years, RSS chiefs have attempted to provide a political compass to the citizens, though they describe their organisation as a cultural outfit. However, in all fairness to the Sangh, it has on previous occasions during elections looked beyond the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, and later the BJP, if it believed that its opponents could serve in the betterment of maintaining the unity and strength of the country. In fact, there have been three occasions when the RSS put its weight behind the Congress, in what were considered to be the first three elections won with the active assistance of the Hindutva followers.
Soon after the division of Pakistan, and the creation of Bangladesh, the RSS stood behind the Congress and its unchallenged leader Indira Gandhi, in the Assembly elections of 1972, though political pundits were of the opinion that she would have in any case emerged victorious, regardless of the support. In late 1979, after the Janata Party experiment failed, the RSS cadre sought Indira Gandhi again to bring the country out of the political mess.
Finally, it was in 1984, following the brutal assassination of Indira Gandhi, that the RSS opted for the Congress instead of supporting the BJP, which landed with only two seats in the Lok Sabha. Senior RSS leader Bhaurau Deoras, political coordinator between the Sangh and the BJP, and younger brother of the then Sarsangchalak, Balasaheb Deoras, shared a fine chemistry with Rajiv Gandhi. It was at his instance that Rajiv had ordered the opening of the locks in Ayodhya and subsequently performed the shilanayas.
The short point is that for the RSS, the nation comes first and other issues follow later. It was in this context, that Bhagwat had, some time ago, provided the option to Sangh activists of joining and supporting parties other than the BJP. However, his Vijaya Dashami address has sent mixed signals down the line, and the Sangh may need to clarify its stand on disputable and controversial matters sooner than later. Bhagwat comprehends politics much better than many others in the Sangh Parivar and is well-conversant in sending correct signals to the masses through the cadres. His address has ensured that the BJP’s core issues—construction of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, abrogation of Article 370 and implementation of a Uniform Civil Code would not be reduced to being mere footnotes in the next manifesto, but be on the forefront.
Earlier during the New Delhi Conclave, he had clearly stated that the RSS did not wield any influence over the BJP, and thus distanced the Sangh from the party. It would be prudent to ascertain whether the aloofness was to send a signal to the BJP that the Sangh had serious concerns over its performance and policies, or was it meant to frame a new agenda before the people, which would assist in actualising its goals.
In the past four years, the RSS has had its share of differences with the BJP, the most pronounced being on the selection of the Presidential nominee. With the 2019 Lok Sabha elections round the corner, the RSS has begun to reassert itself, with the full knowledge that without its cadre, the BJP may find it hard to sustain its upward graph. The aim is to pursue new allies—who would come on board provided there was a reassurance from the RSS that they would in future associate themselves with an alliance headed by the BJP. In such a partnership, their independence and separate status would be safeguarded.
Simultaneously, anyone who openly opposes the construction of the Ram Temple would, in the eyes of many, be viewed as anti-Hindu, and thus anti-national, in keeping with the Sangh’s way of thinking. The astute and perceptive Sarsangchalak has laid the ground rules, since he wants to keep the issue alive, and is looking to see whether the BJP fulfils his wish-list or not.