Reflecting the need to move beyond the Bharatiya Janata Party in order to make the doctrine of Hindutva more inclusive, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh Sarsangchalak, Mohan Bhagwat, earlier this week, reached out to individuals and institutions outside the saffron brigade, at a three-day interactive session at the Vigyan Bhavan in the capital. The refreshing feature of the entire exercise was that Bhagwat did not shy away from answering direct questions—even on contentious issues—and in the process spelt out the views of the RSS, which to some of its close observers, appeared distinctly at variance from those of its political arm, the BJP.
Whether it was done deliberately or tactically, would only be known with the passage of time, but Bhagwat explicitly declared that he was against lynching in the name of cow protection by vigilante groups and advocated punishment in accordance with the law for crimes of such nature. He further expressed his opposition to caste politics, while simultaneously giving the endorsement for reservations. The ambiguity did seem consistent with the RSS style, which over the years, has left many of its critics opposing it for its inherent ambivalence on significant subjects.
However, on a few points there was decisive clarity. The RSS, which is erroneously termed as a cultural organisation, has a definite conspicuous political dimension. Why else would the organisation extend an invitation to political leaders, even though most of them chose not to attend the event? In fact the invite was a ploy for those who received it. If they had made an appearance, the RSS would have succeeded in its outreach. If they did not participate in the gathering, they faced the risk of being branded as anti-Hindu or at least anti-Hindutva, which happens to be the political flavour of the day.
By stating that the RSS did not wield any influence over the BJP, Bhagwat distanced the Sangh from the party. It would be prudent to ascertain whether the aloofness was to send a signal to the BJP that the Sangh had serious concerns over its performance and policies, or was it meant to frame a new agenda before the people, which would assist in actualising its goals. In the past four years the RSS has had its share of differences with the BJP, the most pronounced, being on the selection of the Presidential nominee. With the 2019 Lok Sabha elections round the corner, the RSS has begun to reassert itself, with full knowledge that without its cadre, the BJP may find it hard to sustain its upward graph. The aim is to pursue new allies—who would come on board provided there was a reassurance from the RSS that if they associated themselves with an alliance headed by the BJP, their independence and separate status would be safeguarded.
Apparently, the underlining reason for the overture is Bhagwat’s desire to reintroduce the doctrine of effectively the second Sarsangchalak, Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, since the thesis of Madhukar Dattatraya (Balasaheb) Deoras and Rajendra Singh, the third and forth chiefs respectively has not furthered the Sangh’s cause.
Golwalkar had prescribed that in order to transform society, the Sangh should work towards changing individuals through ideology. Society would then, play the pivotal role, in establishing a government of like-minded persons. However his successors Balasaheb Deoras and Rajendra Singh believed that power should be first attained, so that the government can become the instrument for remodelling society and individuals to move towards Hindutva. Yet six and a half years of governance by the BJP, during Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s era, and the present four and a half years of the current regime has established that the Deoras-Singh theory has not achieved its target. The party has shifted from the basics of Hindutva, leading to the overall decline of the Parivar.
Evidently the strategy is to lay greater emphasis on the basic tenets of its belief, rather than relying on the BJP alone to carry forward the Sangh agenda, given that political compulsions often dilute the fundamental postulates of any ideology. The stress hitherto is to provide the Sangh and its constituents a younger and ideologically sound leadership. This is consistent with the thinking of the late Dattopat Thengadi, who many years ago was overlooked for the Sarsangchalak’s position, to accommodate pro-Vajpayee elements. A hard-liner, Thengadi, had opined that in the future, the nation’s leadership should be young and strong and not old and infirm.
There is little doubt that the RSS is attempting to perceive things in the light of a changing India. It comprehends the limitations before the BJP governments, both at the Centre and the states, and at the same time is deeply disconcerted over the growing division on the basis of caste, creed and religion. Its primary objective is to keep the country united and together. Bhagwat has extended an olive branch to the Muslims, unequivocally underling that they were an integral part of India.
As the topmost functionary of the Hindu organisation, Bhagwat is fully conscious of the fact that regional forces can impact the unity and strength of the nation and thus cannot be alienated. He has clarified that he was not for a Congress Mukt Bharat, but wanted all organisations to be a part of the vibrant democracy that makes the country dynamic. The message that has emanated is that the RSS stands for inclusive politics, and does not subscribe to divisive methods. Between us.