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United Opposition needs a veteran face, a common minimum programme

opinionUnited Opposition needs a veteran face, a common minimum programme

The victories of the candidates of the “united Opposition” in Kairana and Noorpur in Uttar Pradesh, after the success of the combined opposition candidates in Phulpur and Gorakhpur recently, and the failure of the BJP to “manage” a majority in Karnataka, unlike in Goa or Northeast, have emboldened the Opposition parties to think of an anti-Narendra Modi force across India. They have showcased their strength and unity in Karnataka when H.D. Kumaraswamy took his oath of office of Chief Minister of Karnataka. But this entire coming together is based merely on anti-Modi-ism, and is just of leaders and parties, and not of policies or a common minimum programme, and cannot survive the test of time. This is evident in Karnataka itself with regards to distribution of portfolios.

Congress strategists are fast developing a template in which they will give an upper hand to regional allies in their respective states, and in return, will take the upper hand in Lok Sabha seat allocation. The goal is to unite the 69% non-BJP voters across India, since BJP, in its best show in India in 2014, had got just 31% votes, but came to power based on first-past-the-post, with Opposition parties eating away into each other’s electoral constituency. But sadly, all talk on alternatives is about parties and top leaders collaborating. There is hardly any talk on alternative politics or politics of an alternative India vision.

‘ALTERNATIVE OPTIONS’

Congress with its partners is the first natural choice to lead the Opposition. But a national party with just 44 MPs in the Lok Sabha and ruling only three states is not in a position to bargain. Second is the talk of a federal front by Mamata Banerjee, Chief Minister of West Bengal, in which she is ready to bring in every non-BJP party including Congress. Third is the talk of a people’s front by K. Chandrasekhara Rao, Chief Minister of Telangana, which believes in a united Opposition alliance minus Congress. Fourth is the talk of Andhra CM N. Chandrababu Naidu to have the patriarch former PM H.D. Deve Gowda of JDS lead a united Opposition government at the Centre.

The fallacy in all three alternatives is that they are party and leader combinations and not a combination of ideas and vision of alternative governance. An alternative in this context has to be the alternative in substance or content, and not just in form with a similar content as earlier. If not, then naturally the positioning of BJP dispensation will be, “all want Modi out, we want corruption out and development in”. The Opposition will lose even before the game starts. And, in all probability, the Opposition will have to put forward a leadership that can stand in front of the stature of PM Modi.

A united Opposition against PM Indira Gandhi after the Emergency of 1975-77 defeated her and came to power under the banner of the Janata Party and then disintegrated soon into half a dozen splinter groups, with no common agenda. The electorate disdainfully defeated them in midterm polls.

The pursuit of a united Opposition must begin with each constituency being given to that non-BJP party, which has shown the best strength in it for a one-to-one electoral fight, based on the average of results in all Lok Sabha and Assembly elections in that constituency in the last five years. This needs a serious curbing of the Congress’ big-brother attitude, and in some cases, that of the regional satraps.

‘RIGHT ALTERNATIVE’

First, uphold the Indian Constitution. The alternative force cannot just be of parties, but of an alternative world-view, of a common minimum programme, and of an alternative approach to governance. First, pledge to protect the Indian Constitution and its basic tenets. So, commit to true secularism where the state does not negate any faith but also does not become party to any faith—neither to Hindutva nor Muslim appeasement. Pledge to uphold a socialistic welfare economy as envisaged in the Constitution, because the marginalised people, with their per capita income far below the subsistence level, cannot survive unless supported with minimum access to food, clothing, housing, public health and minimum assured education. And, above all, pledge to protect legislatures by not short circuiting their sessions, and protect the independence of the judiciary by not interfering in their recruitment, postings, promotions and processes. Safeguarding democracy also needs to be thorough police reforms, administrative reforms, judicial reforms and electoral reforms, and through an all-out implementation of the institution of the Lokpal, apart from protecting the independence of the constitutional positions.

Second, all communities need to be assured that India is theirs, but they need not be appeased too. The Sachar Committee report shows the lack of socio-economic and educational development among the Muslim minorities and their representation in positions of power and responsibility. The situation is exacerbated today with their visible alienation from the political mainstream. Also, if forest rights are not given to the tribal users of minor forest produce as per the forest dwellers’ Act on minor forest produce, and land rights are not given to the tillers, there cannot be visible change in the countryside and no end to Naxalism. Then, social assimilation will need distinct ways and means to empower women as well.

Third, the united Opposition must promise a slew of economic measures, including viable minimum support price and implementation of M.S. Swaminathan recommendations for agriculture, gradual recovery of all NPAs (specially in cases of willing defaulters), banking autonomy with SOPs on banking operations, insulating them from political interference with RBI independence ensured, recovering black money in land, jewellery and foreign assets, and encourage investments in education and health with tax holidays and other benefits. This plan also shall underline a fair share of funds between Centre and States. It is important to increase investment in education and health up to 20% of the total national budget, which is around half today. Investment in health insurance and not on public health infrastructure does not do good to the man on the ground. Finally, there has to be a development plan for each Lok Sabha constituency.

Fourth, win the battle of perception. Modi stands tall in the battle of perception. It is a case of “there is no alternative”, that of a tall man against an army of political dwarfs, and the perception of no personal corruption of Modi as against a motley group of corrupt forces. The only way to combat it is to put forth a qualitatively different narrative, and before the dominant BJP narrative takes further roots. Like, the selective chasing of corruption by the Modi government while all corruption charges on BJP functionaries go un-investigated (like the alleged PDS and Rafale scams).

Only a collective leadership of the united Opposition, named People’s Federal Alliance (PFA), with a distinct Common Minimum Programme and approach can make this united Opposition a reality on the ground. Their over-arching vision has to take India to a more holistic, sensitive, people-centric development oriented future, devoid of an overdose of rhetoric and aggressive emotions. However, the leadership will still remain a vexed issue. One option is to find a veteran outside the usual, like Yashwant Sinha to lead the united Opposition, a tall leader whom the BJP and its ideological mentor, RSS, cannot counter bitterly as others. He can be the Jayprakash Narayan for the Opposition Janata Party which staged an upset defeat over Indira Congress after the Emergency.

Prof Ujjwal K. Chowdhury is currently the School Head, School of Media, Pearl Academy, Delhi and Mumbai. He has been earlier the Dean of Symbiosis and Amity Universities. The views expressed are strictly his personal.

 

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